![]() Gradually, the child will start to recognize sequential dependencies between abstract units and begin to operate with larger units, such as Noun Phrase and Verb Phrase this allows a move away from rote-learned utterances so that novel word sequences can be generated. The presence of inflectional endings, such as -ing, as well as co-occurrence with other high-frequency words, such as determiners or auxiliaries, can act as important cues to syntactic category. For instance, the child who hears ‘Mummy is eating’, ‘Daddy is coming’, ‘Mummy is waiting’, ‘Baby is eating’ and so on, will start to categorize Mummy, Daddy and Baby together as the same kind of word. Gradually, knowledge becomes more abstract (stage III), with formation of a lexicon containing phonological forms together with their meanings and syntactic classes, and recognition of phrase structures into which lexical items can be slotted.Īs the child hears more and more language, patterns are identified, so that lexical items can be grouped into syntactic categories that can occupy specific slots in sentence frames (stage II). Initially, rote-learned phrases (purple) predominate (stage I), but as learning proceeds (stage II), there is identification of sentence frames (pink) containing specific types of words (blue). Encouraged, however, by the integrative spirit of this special issue, I briefly consider whether insights from the study of children might also help us to understand abnormal use of verbal inflections in acquired aphasia. My main focus here is on English-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI), a condition that is diagnosed when language is out of step with other aspects of development for no obvious reason. Problems with verb inflections are seen in typical development and are also a striking feature of both developmental language disorders and some types of acquired aphasia. Both types of error have stimulated theorizing about the underlying nature of the child's grammatical difficulties, but despite many years of research, there is still debate as to their origins. In addition, we may see overregularization of an irregular verb, such as ‘I runned home’ or ‘Mummy drived her car’. ![]() Sometimes we see bare stem errors, where the inflection is simply omitted, as in ‘John go there’ or ‘Yesterday Daddy run the marathon’. Verbs are a particularly rich source of errors. ![]() ![]() When children first learn to talk, they don't just imitate the speech they hear: their output reflects limitations of their immature language. There are striking similarities in the pattern of errors in adults with anterior aphasia and children with SLI, suggesting that impairments in appreciation of when to mark tense may apply to acquired as well as developmental disorders. This model, which attributes problems to difficulties with applying a rule to generate regular inflected forms, has been widely applied to adult-acquired disorders. An explanation in terms of syntactic limitations contrasts with a popular morpho-phonological account, the Words and Rules model. This is perhaps not surprising when we consider that tense does not have a transparent semantic interpretation, but depends on complex relationships between inflections and hierarchically organized clauses. When we take into account studies using receptive as well as expressive language tasks, the data suggest that the difficulty for children with SLI is in knowing when to inflect verbs for tense, rather than how to do so. Many children with specific language impairment (SLI) have persisting problems in the correct use of verb tense, but there has been disagreement as to the underlying reason.
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